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The BMA produced a report in the same year recommending a wide range of economic and social policies in 90 THE POLITICS OF HEALTH PROMOTION response to this problem (BMA 1995) buy 100 mg penegra androgen hormone symptoms. Both before and after its 1997 election victory buy penegra 100mg on-line androgen hormone symptoms, New Labour adopted the issue of health inequalities as one of its major themes, a preoccupation that is reflected in its public health policy documents. At first inspection, the extent of medical and political concern with health inequalities appears puzzling. Though, as we have seen, class differentials have persisted, in real terms the health of even the poorest sections of society is better than at any time in history: indeed the health of the poorest today is comparable with that of the richest only twenty years ago (see Chapter One). Furthermore, it appears that the preoccupation with social class in the sphere of health (as indicated by the scale of academic publications) has grown in inverse proportion to the salience of class in society in general. After the emergence of the modern working class following the industrial revolution in the mid-nineteenth century, the question of class and its potential for causing social conflict and, for some, social transformation, dominated political life. It appears that after this era finally came to an end with the collapse of the Eastern bloc and the Soviet Union in 1989–90, and the political and social institutions organised around class polarisation lost their purpose, the subject suddenly became of much greater medical and academic interest. No longer subversive, class had acquired a new significance in relation to the social anxieties of the 1990s. A closer examination of recent debates about issues of class and health reveals some of the concerns underlying the discussion of health inequalities. Whereas in the past the working class was regarded as the major source of instability in society, that menace has now receded, to be replaced by a perception of a more diffuse threat arising from trends towards social disintegration. The government’s focus on issues such as crime and drugs, anti-social behaviour, teenage pregnancy and child poverty reflects its preoccupation with problems that appear to be the consequence of the breakdown of the family and of traditional communities and mechanisms for holding society together. All these concerns come together in the concept of ‘social exclusion’ which emerged in parallel with increasing concerns about health inequalities. At the launch of the Social Exclusion Unit, a key New Labour innovation, in December 1997, Tony Blair summed up the significance of the concept for New Labour: ‘It is a very modern problem, and one that is more harmful to the individual, more damaging to self-esteem, more corrosive for society as a whole, more likely to be passed down from generation to generation, than material poverty’ (The Times, 9 91 THE POLITICS OF HEALTH PROMOTION December 1997). The term social exclusion appears to be less pejorative and stigmatising than more familiar notions such as ‘the poor’ or ‘the underclass’. Social exclusion also implies a process rather than a state: people are being squeezed out of society, not just existing in conditions of poverty. It expresses a novel sense of guilt over the failures of society as well as the familiar condescen-sion towards the poor. Above all it expresses anxiety about the consequences of social breakdown as well as fear of crime and delinquency. The concepts of equality and inequality have also undergone a significant re-interpretation. This began with the Commission on Social Justice, a think-tank set up in 1992 in the inter-regnum between Neil Kinnock and Tony Blair, when John Smith was Labour leader; it reported in 1994 after his sudden death (Commission on Social Justice 1994). After Labour’s fourth and most bitter election defeat, this body accelerated the process of ridding the party of its social democratic heritage that had begun under Kinnock and was completed under Blair. It shifted Labour’s goal from social equality to social justice, which it defined as recognition of the ‘equal worth’ of all citizens (CSJ 1994:18). In place of the traditional view of inequality as a question of the distribution of the material resources of society, the commission explained it in cultural and psychological terms. Thus it emphasised that ‘self respect and equal citizenship demand more than the meeting of basic needs; they demand opportunities and life chances’. It concluded that ‘we must recognise that although not all inequalities are unjust…unjust inequalities should be reduced and where possible eliminated’. Once Labour had accepted Mrs Thatcher’s famous dictum ‘Tina’—‘there is no alternative’ to the market— then it had also to accept the inevitability of inequality. Its traditional clarion call to the cause of equality gave way to feeble pleas for fair play. In his emotional speech to Labour’s centenary conference in September 1999, Tony Blair reaffirmed the government’s commitment to tackling inequalities in British society and pledged to ‘end child poverty within a generation’. While this went down well with party traditionalists, Blair was careful to put the distinctive New Labour spin on the concept of equality. Thus he reaffirmed that, for New Labour, ‘true equality’ meant ‘equal worth’, not primarily a question of income, more one of parity of esteem. As Gordon Brown put it, poverty was ‘not just a simple problem of money, to be solved by cash alone’, but a state of wider deprivation, expressed above all in ‘poverty of expectations’. In case there was any 92 THE POLITICS OF HEALTH PROMOTION misunderstanding, Anthony Giddens, chief theoretician of the third way, bluntly explained that there was, ‘no future’ for traditional left- wing egalitarianism and its redistributionist ‘tax and spend’ fiscal and welfare policies (Giddens 1999).

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During the latter the bac- very sensitive device must be used to detect the needle’s rising terium senses the environment for the presence of attractants and falling cheap penegra 50 mg overnight delivery prostate 600 plus. If an attractant is sensed discount penegra 50 mg mastercard prostate yogurt, the bacterium will STM to sense these movements. Other AFM’s later used a fine- respond by exhibiting more of the directed movement, and the tuned laser. The AFM has already been used to study the super- movement will over time be in the direction of the attractant. American physicist Paul Hansma (1946– ) and his col- Both of these phenomena require mechanisms in the bac- leagues at the University of California, Santa Barbara, conduct terium that can sense the presence of the compounds and can various studies using AFM research. In 1989, this team suc- compare the concentrations of the compounds over time. Hansma’s team presented their findings in a 33–minute plished by proteins that are part of the cytoplasmic, or inner, movie, assembled from AFM pictures taken every ten seconds. For example, there are four proteins that span ples of cells without harming the cell structure. By adding a bit the inner membrane, from the side that contacts the cytoplasm more force to the scanning needle, the AFM can scrape cells, to the side that contacts the periplasmic space. The MCPs can bind different attractant and living cells, particularly fragile structures on the cell surface, repellent compounds to different regions on their surface. For whose fragility makes them nearly impossible to view without example, on of the MCPs can bind the attractants aspartate and distortion. The binding of an incoming attractant or repellent mol- See also Bacterial membranes and cell wall; Bacterial surface ecule to a MCP causes the addition or removal of a phosphate layers; Bacterial ultrastructure; Microscope and microscopy group to another molecule that is linked to the MCP on the cytoplasm side. Both events generate a signal that is transmit- ted to other bacterial mechanisms by what is known as a cas- ATTENUATION • see VACCINE cade. One of the results of the cascade is the control of the rotation of the flagella, so as to propel the bacterium forward or to generate the random tumbling motion. ATTRACTANTS AND REPELLENTS The cascade process is exceedingly complex, with at Attractants and repellents least 50 proteins known to be involved. The proteins are also Attractants and repellents are compounds that stimulate the involved in other sensory events, such as to pH, temperature, directed movement of microorganisms, in particular bacteria, and other environmental stresses. The directed movement The memory of a bacterium for the presence of an in response to the presence of the attractant or repellent com- attractant or repellent is governed by the reversible nature of pound is a feature of a bacterial behavior known as chemotaxis. Overwhelm- The binding of an attractant or a repellent is only for a short ingly, these are nutrients for the bacterium. If the particular compound is abundant in the environ- pounds include sugars, such as maltose, ribose, galactose, and ment, another molecule of the attractant or repellent will bind amino acids such as L-aspartate and L-serine. Examples of repellents include metals that are attractant or repellent is decreasing, then the period between damaging or lethal to a bacterium (e. In the 1880s experiments demonstrated that bacteria corrections in the movement of the bacterium can be made. Further AUTOCLAVE • see STEAM PRESSURE STERILIZER study of the genetic patterns among unrelated family groups with APL suggests that a single genetic defect resulting in APL production may be responsible for several different autoimmune diseases. Current research focuses on finding an AUTOIMMUNITY AND AUTOIMMUNE established APL inheritance pattern, as well as finding the Autoimmunity and autoimmune disordersDISORDERS autoimmune gene responsible for APL production. A number of tests can help diagnose autoimmune dis- Autoimmune diseases are conditions in which a person’s eases; however the principle tool used by physicians is anti- immune system attacks the body’s own cells, causing tissue body testing. Autoimmune diseases are classified as either gen- antibodies found in the blood and determining if they react eral, in which the autoimmune reaction takes place simultane- with specific antigens that would give rise to an autoimmune ously in a number of tissues, or organ specific, in which the reaction. An elevated amount of antibodies indicates that a autoimmune reaction targets a single organ. Elevated antibody lev- accepted as the cause of a wide range of disorders, and is sus- els are also seen in common infections. The anti- common diseases attributed to autoimmune disorders are bodies can also be typed by class. There are five classes of rheumatoid arthritis, systemic lupus erythematosis (lupus), antibodies and they can be separated in the laboratory. The multiple sclerosis, myasthenia gravis, pernicious anemia, and class IgG is usually associated with autoimmune diseases. Unfortunately, IgG class antibodies are also the main class of To further understand autoimmune disorders, it is help- antibody seen in normal immune responses.

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